Rutgers University Chapter 7 Applying Communication Concepts to Real Life HW The purpose of this assignment is to practice applying communication concepts

Rutgers University Chapter 7 Applying Communication Concepts to Real Life HW The purpose of this assignment is to practice applying communication concepts to real life. Choose an individual who lived part of their adult work life BEFORE the widespread use of the smart phone. Interview that person about different ways in which COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE was different BEFORE they had a smart phone, and how it changed once they got one. Plan your questions carefully to get at his/her perceptions of how different affordances of the smart phone have affected communication in the workplace.Write a 2-page single-spaced paper (typed) in which you apply the information you get from your interviewee to some issues and concepts raised in chapter 7 in the textbook on “Media” AND chapter 11 on “Organizations”. (That is, DO NOT simply report your interview!) Make sure to address explicitly in your paper the question of how the smartphone affected or changed communication in the workplace, by building a clear, strong connection between the concepts or issues you choose from the textbook, and the information you got from your interviewee. Please use proper citation format when referring to the textbook.textbook: communication and human behavior 6th edition 8/10/2018
The National Afro-American League: First
Civil Rights Organization
by Femi Lewis
Updated December 10, 2017
Following the Civil War, African-Americans gained full citizenship in the United States with
the 14th Amendment. The 15th Amendment provided voting rights for African-American
men. Following the Reconstruction period, many states began establishing black codes,
poll taxes, literacy tests and grandfather clauses to keep African-American men from
participating in the political process.
The National Afro-American League was established in response to these laws–its
purpose was to establish full citizenship for African-Americans (NAAL).
NAAL was one of the first organizations established in the United States to fight for civil
rights of its citizens.
When Was the National Afro-American League Formed?
The National Afro-American League was founded in 1887. The organization changed its
name to the National Afro-American League. The organization was created by Timothy
Thomas Fortune publisher of the New York Age and Bishop Alexander Walters of the
African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church in Washington DC.
Fortune and Walters established the organization to seek equal opportunities for AfricanAmericans. As Fortune once said, the NAAL was here “to fight for the rights denied them.”
Following the Reconstruction period, the voting rights, civil rights, educational standards
and public accommodations African-Americans enjoyed began to disappear. Fortune and
Walters wanted this to change. Also, the group lobbied against lynchings in the South.
First Meeting of the NAAL
In 1890, the organization held its first national meeting in Chicago. Joseph C. Price,
president of Livingston College was elected as the organization’s president. The League
drafted a constitution that would not allow politicians to hold office so that there was no
conflict of interest.
The NAAL also decided that its main focus should be ending Jim Crow Laws legally. The
organization established a six-point program that outlined its mission:
1. The securing of voting rights
2. The combating of lynch laws
3. The abolition of inequities in state funding of public school education for
blacks and whites
4. Reforming the southern penitentiary system — its chain gang and convict
lease practices
5. Combating discrimination in railroad and public travel conveyances;
6. and discrimination in public places, hotels, and theaters.
Accomplishments and Demise
The NAAL won several discrimination lawsuits during its existence. Most notably, Fortune
won a lawsuit against a restaurant in New York City that refused him service.
However, it was difficult to fight Jim Crow Era legislation through lawsuits and lobbying.
The NAAL had very little support from powerful politicians that could have helped reform
Jim Crow Era laws. Also, it branches had goals that were reflective of its local members.
For instance, branches in the South focused their energy on challenging Jim Crow laws.
Branches in the North lobbied white northerners for greater participation in the socioeconomic concerns. However, it was difficult for these regions to work towards and a
common goal.
Also, Fortune admitted that the NAAL was lacking funds, support from African-American
civic leaders and may have been premature in its mission. The group formally disbanded
in 1893.
The Legacy of the National Afro-American League?
Five years after the NAAL ended, the numbers of lynchings continued to grow in the
United States. African-Americans continued to suffer white terrorism in the South and
North. Journalist Ida B. Wells began publishing about the number of lynchings in the
United States in many publications. As a result, Fortune and Walters were inspired to
resurrect the NAAL. Keeping the same mission and taking on a new name, the AfroAmerican Council, Fortune and Walters began bringing together African-American leaders
and thinkers. Like the NAAL, the AAC would become a predecessor to the Niagara
Movement and ultimately, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored
U.S. History in Context – Document – Black Women’s Club Movement
Black Women’s Club Movement
Encyclopedia of African­American Culture and History. 2nd ed. 2006.
COPYRIGHT 2006 Gale, COPYRIGHT 2007 Gale, Cengage Learning
From U.S. History In Context.
Full Text:
Page 286
The black women’s club movement emerged in the late nineteenth century and comprised a number
of local reform organizations dedicated to racial betterment. These grass­roots organizations were
made up primarily of middle­class women who were part of the larger progressive reform effort. Black
women formed social organizations to provide services, financial assistance, and moral guidance for
the poor. Many of the groups grew out of religious and literary societies and were a response to the
intensified racism in the late nineteenth century.
Although organizations existed all over the country, they were concentrated in the Northeast. Women
involved in the club movement gained knowledge about education, health care, and poverty and
developed organizing skills. They also sought to teach the poor how to keep a household, manage a
budget, and raise their children. The local groups were usually narrow in focus and supported homes
for the aged, schools, and orphanages. In Washington, D.C., the black women’s club movement was
dominated by teachers who were concerned about children and their problems. Active participants
held conventions, conferences, and forums to engage the intellectual elite. In New York City
clubwomen honored Ida B. Wells for her political activism to publicize the prevalence of lynching.
In 1895 women organizing at the local level made attempts to develop national ties. The New Era Club
in Boston began a publication, Woman’s Era, which covered local and national news of concern to
clubwomen. Two national federations of local clubs were formed in 1895. The next year these two
merged and became the National Association of Colored Women (NACW). Women in the Northeast
played a central role in setting the agenda for the NACW, which was more conservative than some of
the local clubs. Mary Church Terrell, a supporter of Booker T. Washington, was the first president of
the NACW.
In the 1930s, during the Great Depression, self­help and social reform came under attack as methods
of socialPage 287 | Top of Article change. Increasing emphasis was placed on structural change and
electoral politics. In 1935 a faction of the NACW, led by Mary McLeod Bethune, which rejected the
philosophy of self­help and sought to put pressure on the political system to improve conditions for
African Americans, formed the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW). The NCNW quickly came
to dominate both the politics of the club movement and the national political agenda of black women.
Although both the NACW and the NCNW continued to be central to black women’s political activity, the
social conditions and context for organizing had changed dramatically in the 1930s. As the reform
efforts of African­American women became more explicitly political, both the local and national club
movements declined in importance.
See also National Association of Colored Women ; Wells­Barnett, Ida Bell ; Women’s Era
Giddings, Paula. When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Sex and Race on Black Women in America.
New York: William Morrow, 1996.…
U.S. History in Context – Document – Black Women’s Club Movement
Salem, Dorothy. To Better Our World: Black Women in Organized Reform, 1880–1920. Brooklyn, N.Y.:
Carlson, 1990.
Updated bibliography
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
Nadasen, Premilla. “Black Women’s Club Movement.” Encyclopedia of African­American Culture and
History, edited by Colin A. Palmer, 2nd ed., vol. 1, Macmillan Reference USA, 2006, pp. 286­287.
U.S. History in Context,
u=san96005&sid=UHIC&xid=07a12b02. Accessed 23 Aug. 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|CX3444700154…
Encyclopedia of American Urban History
National Urban League
Contributors: David Kenneth Pye
Edited by: David R. Goldfield
Book Title: Encyclopedia of American Urban History
Chapter Title: “National Urban League”
Pub. Date: 2007
Access Date: August 13, 2018
Publishing Company: SAGE Publications, Inc.
City: Thousand Oaks
Print ISBN: 9780761928843
Online ISBN: 9781412952620
Print page: 518
©2007 SAGE Publications, Inc.. All Rights Reserved.
This PDF has been generated from SAGE Knowledge. Please note that the pagination of
the online version will vary from the pagination of the print book.
Copyright © 2007 by SAGE Publications, Inc.
SAGE Reference
The National Urban League is an interracial civil rights organization historically aimed at aiding
the acculturation of African Americans during their move from rural to urban areas beginning
in the early 20th century. Initially founded in 1910 as the Committee on Urban Conditions, the
Urban League was part of the Progressive Movement that sought to merge new social science
methods with practical social work in the everyday lives of the urban poor. The League offered
free counseling services to individual migrants and families while funding major academic
research projects to illuminate the issues affecting the lives of migrants. Realizing that the
steady migration of African Americans from the South into crowded tenement conditions in the
North risked the health of all concerned in the cities, Progressive leaders wanted to improve
the quality of life for migrants to the benefit of the common good.
With its roots in New York City, a central stop for African Americans in their Great Migration
from the South, the Urban League had allies in the Progressive Movement at Columbia
University who were both prominent in the social sciences and leaders in the League. Many of
these social scientists served on the Urban League Board of Directors, which from its
inception remained interracial. Given the goal of the Urban League, and many Progressives,
of aiding African Americans in a manner that served the best interests of all Americans
simultaneously, the League desired to have a leadership that reflected the multicultural nature
of the cities the migrants entered. The first executive secretary of the group (now called the
president) was Dr. George Edmund Haynes, who was the first African American to receive a
doctorate from Columbia University. Haynes possessed a remarkable résumé, having earned
degrees from Fisk University (B.A.) and the Yale University Divinity School (M.A.). It was the
doctoral thesis that Haynes wrote at Columbia, The Negro at Work in New York City, that
became the catalyst for the organization that became the Urban League.
Scholars often compare the origins and politics of the Urban League with those of the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Both groups began in
the first decade of the 20th century. Likewise, both had racially integrated boards of directors.
Nevertheless, some observers emphasize that while the NAACP involved itself in direct legal
action against racial discrimination in American life, the Urban League, in comparison,
remained somewhat nonpolitical. In fact, it is true that many board members explicitly refused
to endorse the call from some African American leaders to address race discrimination in an
organized, political manner. Instead, the League hoped to improve African American lives
“from the bottom up.” This dichotomy of views has led some to conjure up the W. E. B. Du
Bois-Booker T. Washington debate that dominated African American thought in the early 20th
century. Du Bois advocated for immediate racial integration and aggressive agitation by
African Americans for political inclusion. In contrast, Washington thought it prudent for African
Americans to disregard politics while continuing to work toward increasing the wealth of
average working persons.
Using this debate on political objectives as a basis, these scholars came to view the Urban
League in a manner similar to the perception of Washington and his agenda among
contemporary historians. This view portrayed the League as nonconfrontational. Since the
1980s, however, there has been additional analysis on the work performed by the Urban
League and the NAACP. Neither group is a militant organization. Nor is either group satisfied
with the status quo for people of color in the United States of America. The Urban League has
its roots firmly in the Progressive Movement, thus its desire to aid poor African Americans
huddled inside often unkind northern inner cities. Moreover, the African Americans in these
areas often suffered from de facto racial segregation rather than the more visible variety
evident in the South. Given that many Americans refused to acknowledge the reality of this
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Encyclopedia of American Urban History
Copyright © 2007 by SAGE Publications, Inc.
SAGE Reference
brand of discrimination, which relegated African Americans to the lowest rungs in housing,
employment, and health, direct confrontation was not an option for the Urban League in some
cases. The first priority of the Urban League has always been to solve the day-to-day
problems facing these often underserved people while using the newest social science
research to forward this agenda.
The First World War increased the need for African American workers in northern cities.
Pulled to these cities by the opening of jobs in factories and pushed out of the South by the
oppressive Jim Crow system of racial segregation, African American migrants used the
services of the Urban League to smooth their transition. During the Second World War, the
Urban League became more openly political, as evidenced by its support for the threatened
March on Washington, D.C., by union leader A. Philip Randolph. This planned march helped
encourage President Franklin D. Roosevelt to issue Executive Order 8802, which officially
banned racial discrimination in all federal defense plants. During the war years the League
received able leadership under Eugene Knickle Jones, who replaced Dr. Haynes in 1941, and
Lester Granger, who led during the Second World War period.
After the wars, African Americans became much more resistant to racial segregation
throughout the United States of America. The organized Civil Rights Movement had begun in
full force by the early 1960s, and the Urban League added its support to the cause. Then led
by Whitney M. Young Jr. the Urban League called upon the federal government to institute a
domestic Marshall Plan which would provide the financing necessary to bridge the gap
between the resources of whites and blacks. President Lyndon Baines Johnson, who often
met with Whitney Young for consultation on the best ways to improve the lot of urban African
Americans, eventually began this initiative, labeling it the “War on Poverty.” A succession of
influential leaders since the 1960s, including Vernon E. Jordan, John E. Jacob, and Hugh B.
Price, have kept the Urban League central in the fight against racial inequality in the United
States. Early in the 21st century, President George W. Bush made national headlines by
choosing to address the annual National Urban League Convention while in the midst of a war
in Iraq and a hectic campaign season. Clearly this act displayed the continuing influence of
the National Urban League in the debates on progress of people of color in the United States
of America.
David KennethPye
See also
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
Race Riots
Further Readings and References
Dickerson, D. C. (1998). Militant mediator: Whitney M. Young, Jr. Lexington: University Press
of Kentucky.
Jordan, V. E. (2001). Vernon can read! A memoir. New York: Public Affairs.
Moore, J. T. (1981). A search for equality: The National Urban League, 1910–1961. University
Park: Pennsylvania State University Press.
National Urban League. (1988). Black Americans and public policy: Perspectives of the
National Urban League. New York: National Urban League.
Weiss, N. J. (1974). The National Urban League, 1910–1940. New York: Oxford University
Weiss, N. J. (1989). Whitney M. Young, Jr. and the struggle for civil rights. Princeton, NJ:
Page 3 of 4
Encyclopedia of American Urban History
Copyright © 2007 by SAGE Publications, Inc.
SAGE Reference
Princeton University Press.
Page 4 of 4
Encyclopedia of American Urban History
Getting 2 Equal : United Not Divided
The National Urban League is a historic civil
rights and urban advocacy organization. Driven
to secure economic self-reliance, parity, power
and civil rights for our nation’s marginalized
populations, the National Urban League
works towards economic empowerment and
the elevation of the standard of living in
historically underserved urban communities.
Founded in 1910, and headquartered in
New York City, the National Urban League
has improved the lives of more than 2
million people annually through direct
service programs run by 90 local affiliates in
36 states and the District of Columbia. The
National Urban League also conducts public
policy research and advocacy work from its
Washington, D.C. bureau.
The National Urban League is a BBB-accredited
organization and has earned a 4-star rating
from Charity Navigator, placing it in the top
10 percent of all U.S. charities for adhering
to good governance, fiscal responsibility and
other best practices.
About the
State of Black America
From the
President’s Desk
The History of the Vote
in the United States
The Battle for Your Vote:
Restrictions & Expansions
Foreign Election
National Urban League
Marc H. Morial
Rhonda Spears Bell
Brennan Center for Justice
Dr. Silas Lee
Teresa Candori
Shu-Fy H. Pongnon
Tara Thomas
The Alliance for Securing
Democracy at the German
Marshall Fund of the
United States
Sabine Louissaint
The State of Black America® is the signature annual
reporting of the National Urban League.
Now in its 43rd edition, the State of Black America
has become one of the most highly-anticipated
benchmarks and sources for thought leadership
around racial equality in America across economics,
employment, education, health, housing, criminal
justice and civic participation. Each edition contains
thoughtful commentary and insightful analysis from
leading figures and thought leaders in politics, the
corporate and tech sectors, the nonprofit arena,
academia and popular culture.
The 2019 …
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